MALAYSIAN POLITICAL SITUATION (ASSIGNMENT 2)

After shifting coalition politics in February 2020 all but overturning the results of the 2018 federal election, Malaysia's new prime minister, Muhyiddin Yassin, is trying to hold together a fragile majority in parliament while claiming legitimacy in the context of the public health and economic crisis caused by COVID-19.

On 1 March 2020, Muhyiddin Yassin was sworn in as Malaysia's eighth prime minister, forming the third country's government in but two years. He came to power after leaders in a very number of political parties reconfigured their coalition alliances to oust the previous prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad, from office and block his presumed successor, Anwar Ibrahim, from taking power.

In mid-February 2020, after months of internal negotiations, a new party coalition named Perikatan Nasional, or National Alliance, was formed to oppose the government of Mahathir. The alliance is made up of Najib 's party, UMNO, the Islamist party (PAS), dissatisfied leaders of Mahathir's and Anwar 's parties, and a few representatives of regional parties from the Sarawak and Sabah state based on the island of Borneo (sometimes referred to as East Malaysia). The new prime minister, Muhyiddin Yassin, was one of the most prominent transgressors from Harapan to Perikatan.

Muhyiddin was a long-standing UMNO politician who served as Deputy Prime Minister under Najib. After publicly opposing Najib 's actions in the 1MDB scandal, he was dismissed from the government in 2015 and ended his long-standing party membership, joining Mahathir's Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu) as party president. At the time of his defection from Harapan to Perikatan in February 2020, he served as Minister of Home Affairs of Mahathir.

By withdrawing from the Harapan alliance, Muhyiddin split the Bersatu party and expelled the working majority of Mahathir in Dewan Rakyat, the lower house of the Malaysian Parliament, by overthrowing the government. On 29 February, Muhyiddin received support from the King of Malaysia for the establishment of a new Perikatan government, and on the following day took the oath of office as Prime Minister. His rise was portrayed by opponents as a 'backdoor power grab.'

In addition to politics, Muhyiddin lacks a popular mandate, has overturned the government without confronting the voters, and restored UMNO to power, contrary to the outcome of the 2018 elections. It is thought to hold a very slim and yet untested majority – probably 113 out of 222. Parliament's sitting was delayed until mid-May 2020 because of fears that it may not be able to control the majority once the vote begins. COVID-19 may postpone further the sitting.

Indeed, some parties under the Perikatan umbrella have a weak record of cooperation, especially the PAS, which has left every coalition it has entered, and the UMNO, which cannot control the new government as it has historically done.

The government of Muhyiddin has struggled to respond to emerging health and economic crises resulting from the spread of COVID-19. On 18 March, it imposed a strict 'movement-control order' to reduce the rate of viral infection by deploying 7,500 members of the armed forces to enforce social-distance and isolation measures. Despite the rapid nationwide shutdown advocated by public health authorities, the government's initial regular updates to the public were misleading.

The lockdown was implemented more effectively at the end of March and the beginning of April, but government policy remains responsive rather than proactive. By 14 April, Malaysia had reported around 5,000 cases of COVID-19, marginally less than the Philippines and Indonesia, with the second-highest death rate (2.5 per million inhabitants) in Southeast Asia. By comparison, Malaysia 's death rate is much lower than, for example, Germany (41.7 / m), the United States (79.1 / m), the United Kingdom (178.5 / m), or Spain (390.5 / m).

Malaysia has the highest recovery rate in the region, at 38%, and is making slow progress in flattening the curve. The Government has launched three economic stimulus packages to benefit people and companies impacted by the pandemic – one worth US$ 4.6 billion, which it received from Mahathir; another worth US$ 57.7 billion; and a third worth US$ 2.3 billion for small and medium-sized enterprises. These measures largely reallocate existing funds rather than devote new funds to the crisis, with only US$ 8.3 billion in new expenditure.

The three packages direct a substantial sum to stimulus and relief – 17.7% of GDP – but do not create a safety net for the 2.5 million Malaysians estimated to be living in poverty or millions out of work. Government figures published at the beginning of April indicate that 46.5 percent of self-employed employees and 35 percent of those working in the food and beverage sector have lost their jobs just one month after the closure.

Muhyiddin may have greater freedom of action to manage Malaysia's foreign relations. In his 40 years in politics, he seems never to have formed a close relationship with Western countries and is likely to be more prepared to succeed with regional neighbors, especially Singapore, and Middle East partners.

Former UMNO Defense Minister Hishammuddin Hussein was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, apparently aiming to adopt a more internationalist stance, as the country had done under Najib, and to rehabilitate relations with China and Saudi Arabia, which had been strained by the Harapan government.

China is eager to see Malaysia return to its sphere of influence as a partner in diplomatic initiatives and as a site for investment in oil and gas infrastructure. More than ever, the new government will depend on foreign assistance: the immediate need for medicine, medical supplies, and access to loans to finance additional stimulus measures and to blur the impact of the pandemic on society.

Author: Shobana Manokaran